- name complex
Paraisopolis, Sao Paulo, Brazil
- number of dwellings per type
It is difficult to say how many dwellings per type can be defined, and this is also not
really important for this analyses. There can be made a difference in types of houses by the ‘phases’ described in the article ‘Eagerly taking risks’. If the types will be defined
accordingly, focus will be put on ‘phase three’. More adequate will be to define types of dwellings by there location within the ‘favela’, this seems to be the biggest issue when investing in such property. Houses on the main street have a different price then houses in the alleys where no or just a little transport can pass, paved or unpaved is also a big issue. It can be said that dwellings that are situated near good infrastructure have a higher value or at least a higher price. So types can be defined by street types. They differ from alley to ‘viela’, the main street to the ‘Boco’. Where the alleys are the smallest streets where only pedestrians can enter, the viela is already a little bit bigger and accessible by (moter)bike. The main street is the street is a wide street with all the stores that connects the neighbourhood to the rest of the city, while the ‘Boco’ has the same size but is less crowded and often connects two main roads.
Alley: R$10.000
Viela: R$15.000 - R$25.000
Main street: R$40.000
Boco: R$40.000 - R$60.000
Boco: R$40.000 - R$60.000
(number of rooms)
An apartment on the main street has an average of about 6 rooms and takes up about one floor. In one dwelling often three floors are situated. The rooms are the following:
Living room
Kitchen
Dormitory
Bathroom
Service area (laundry room etc.)
Garage or car park
- year of construction
Paraisopolis is an illegal settlement of which the construction started in the 80’s and has grown a lot in the 25 years that followed, at the moment Paraisopolis is still growing and people are expending their houses or building new ones. Houses are often rebuild to increase comfort or to expand, so it is difficult to state construction year per type. The determination per dwelling is easier, but does not give an insurance for the quality of the building (a not always correct but rather often made link in the Netherlands, age versus quality decline).
- lot size (m2)
Paraisopolis is divided in equal sized lots of 10m x 50m. Within these lots smaller pieces of 30 square meters are used as construction area per dwelling. The floors of a dwelling have therefore a surface area of 30m2.
- size of dwelling per type
With this given fact of 30m2 per floor of a dwelling, the total size will come to about 90 square meters as most of the building have three building floors. What often happens is that someone lives on the ground floor and rents out the first and the second floor to pay for his own expenses. This could also be a reason for the large amount of expansions of buildings are made in the area. The fact that buildings have a lot of the same sizes indicates that the size is not that big a factor in the price difference.
Kitchen
Dormitory
Bathroom
Service area (laundry room etc.)
Garage or car park
- year of construction
Paraisopolis is an illegal settlement of which the construction started in the 80’s and has grown a lot in the 25 years that followed, at the moment Paraisopolis is still growing and people are expending their houses or building new ones. Houses are often rebuild to increase comfort or to expand, so it is difficult to state construction year per type. The determination per dwelling is easier, but does not give an insurance for the quality of the building (a not always correct but rather often made link in the Netherlands, age versus quality decline).
- lot size (m2)
Paraisopolis is divided in equal sized lots of 10m x 50m. Within these lots smaller pieces of 30 square meters are used as construction area per dwelling. The floors of a dwelling have therefore a surface area of 30m2.
- size of dwelling per type
With this given fact of 30m2 per floor of a dwelling, the total size will come to about 90 square meters as most of the building have three building floors. What often happens is that someone lives on the ground floor and rents out the first and the second floor to pay for his own expenses. This could also be a reason for the large amount of expansions of buildings are made in the area. The fact that buildings have a lot of the same sizes indicates that the size is not that big a factor in the price difference.
The three stage model you are using for your analysis might need elaboration. Within your former entry I did not reacted on your model as it was solid enough for your argument. In literature there are several models describing the process from squatting towards consolidation. Important to understand there is no direct relation of such phases to time. Although turner’s work on Peru revealed a kind of temporal causality between the quality of structure and the facilities within neighbourhoods in other countries such links could not be traced. The reason for it is that consolidation is an effect of inner and particular outer forces and conditions. You phase one can be a couple of days but also stretch to decades. The change from temporal to more solid constructions is mostly depending on PERCEIVED tenure security. Only if residents have a certain feeling of an absent fear of eviction, improvement will take place under the condition of available resources. So the second phase is not a transition of favelados to stay but getting the impression of being able to stay. Phase three is in your model marked by the initiative of the local governments. Once again there is no time or necessity link (that it actually has to happen) as streets, infrastructure, services might also be self-organized. For this reasons I wonder if you should emphasize the transitions in your model: from precarious to more solid structures, towards a consolidated neighbourhood with services and infrastructure.
ReplyDeleteConcerning the location model, it is very interesting that you start from micro-scale conditions. Do you also have any information about meso- (within the whole settlement) and macroscale (within the city, this would be only relevant if you are doing a favela comparative study) influence on the prices of a plot? The relation to a 'center' compared to periphery would be a great thing to elaborate. Borders to the formal abutting areas are considered as periphery or central? Also access to infrastructure in general is spatial or spatio-temporal (Not on location but on time to get there). I remember the traffic congestion we faced and wonder if such distortion of access (being stuck in traffic doesnt help you much) and there might be a large gap between virtual and de facto accessibility and location.
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